Interpretation of “Because I could not stop for Death—” by Emily Dickinson

 

1. (First Stanza)

Because I could not stop for Death –
He kindly stopped for me –
The Carriage held but just Ourselves –
And Immortality.

The first two lines show that she didn’t stop for Death, but rather Death stopped for her. This could mean that death came to her when her time had come, the natural end of life. Death symbolizes the end of living, the end of time to exist in the mortal world. In my interpretation, I see “Death” as both the Grim Reaper and a representation of time itself. Dickinson gives these abstract ideas human form, turning them into her calm companion. He (Death/time) comes to take her away and kindly stops in front of her with a carriage. On this journey, only Death and Immortality accompany her. This could symbolize that she is already dead or on her way to dying, for living is a mortal act, but after death, there is timelessness: immortality.

 

2. (Second Stanza)

We slowly drove – He knew no haste
And I had put away
My labor and my leisure too,
For His Civility –

Her companion begins the ride slowly, showing no haste. As I interpret “He” as Death, he takes his time, calm and patient. She, too, leaves behind her labor and leisure, meaning all the work, comfort, and activities of her life are now in the past. The line “For His Civility” highlights Death’s politeness; he isn’t cruel or forceful. It is simply his duty to take her to her final destination. Death, therefore, is shown not as something terrifying, but as a civil, inevitable companion who performs his role with grace.

 

3. (Third Stanza)

We passed the School, where Children strove
At Recess – in the Ring –
We passed the Fields of Gazing Grain –
We passed the Setting Sun –

This stanza represents the stages of life as she reflects on them while journeying toward eternity. The school and children symbolize childhood, carefree and joyful. The word “Ring” suggests the circle of life and how time eventually moves forward. The “Fields of Gazing Grain” symbolize adulthood and maturity, where life is full and productive, just as grain stands ripe. The “Setting Sun” represents old age, the nearing end of life and the approach of death. Through these images, she seems to review the natural progression of human existence.

 

4. (Fourth Stanza)

Or rather – He passed Us –
The Dews drew quivering and Chill –
For only Gossamer, my Gown –
My Tippet – only Tulle –

Here, Death (or time) has moved ahead, leaving her in the cold. The “chill” and “quivering” dew suggest that her life is fading and her body is growing cold, a sign of death’s arrival. Her delicate clothing, made of “gossamer” and “tulle,” shows her unpreparedness for death. She is exposed to the chill of the grave, vulnerable and fragile. This could also represent the final moments before death, where the body weakens, trembles, and can no longer keep itself warm, showing the helpless state of a dying person.

 

5. (Fifth Stanza)

We paused before a House that seemed
A Swelling of the Ground –
The Roof was scarcely visible –
The Cornice – in the Ground –

The journey ends before a house that appears to be a “swelling of the ground.” This “house” symbolizes a grave, her final resting place. The roof being “scarcely visible” suggests that it is covered by the earth. Rather than a gloomy or terrifying image, it’s calm and natural, her new home after life. This imagery shows that death is not the end but a peaceful resting state. There is no heaven or hell described, just a quiet eternity beneath the ground.

 

6. (Sixth/Final Stanza)

Since then – 'tis Centuries – and yet
Feels shorter than the Day
I first surmised the Horses' Heads
Were toward Eternity –

In the final stanza, she reflects that centuries have passed since her journey with Death, yet it feels shorter than a single day. Time has lost meaning because she now exists in eternity. The horses’ heads facing “toward Eternity” symbolize the direction of their journey; toward the infinite, timeless afterlife. Life is brief and mortal, but death leads to an eternal state beyond human time. The poem closes with her acceptance of death as a transition into timeless existence, guided gently by Death himself.

 

Festivals and Menstruation

I remember being 14 and crying alone in my room during Laxmi Puja because I wanted to join the prayers, fun, and celebrations of lights. But I had gotten my period just a day before, so I had to hide in my room. At that time, I questioned myself and hated being a girl. I wished to be a boy so I could join my family during such celebrations. The next year, I took pills to stop my period 5 days before Dashain because I didn’t want to miss the celebration. But when my period finally came after the festival ended, I was miserable. It was the worst pain I had ever felt headache, constant vomiting, full-body pain and I couldn’t even sit up.

Despite bearing such severe pain and discrimination in the name of culture, I never had the courage to question my parents about why I had to hide during my periods. From a very young age, I had seen and been taught that it was our culture. We can’t worship during periods because we are considered impure. But now, I ask everyone reading and going through the same thing: is this really our culture or just superstition? Is there any scientific reasoning behind this severe act of discrimination against girls and women? And when did this tradition even begin?

Hindu scriptures such as the Manusmriti and the Dharmashastra consider menstruation a normal bodily process. However, historical cultural practices associated menstruating women with impurity and imposed restrictions, such as avoiding temples, holy places, and cooking. These practices varied across regions and communities within Hinduism. The idea of impurity likely comes from ancient times when women didn’t have sanitary products or proper healthcare to manage their cycles. They were asked to rest, not because they were “impure,” but because cloth pads were unreliable and often led to blood stains. Some Hindu gurus also say that during menstruation, women’s energy turns negative due to the immense pain their bodies go through, and so it was believed the food they cooked wouldn’t carry positive emotions.

But in our current times, we have pads, tampons, menstrual cups, and many other healthcare products to manage menstruation. Yet, many families, including my own, still follow this tradition. Excluding women from festivals during menstruation in the name of culture and religion is so normalized, but just because something is normalized does not mean it is right. So what do we do now?

Culture changes with generations. Many of our parents and elders follow this tradition in the name of Hinduism, but our holy books contain no absolute restriction on women performing puja during menstruation. There is even a popular ideology in Hinduism that offers a very different perspective:

“In ancient times, a menstruating woman was considered so pure that she was worshiped as a Goddess. What is pure we don’t touch, and what we don’t touch we call a taboo. So the reason for the taboo of not allowing a woman to enter a temple is precisely the opposite of what we think: she is not impure. Quite the contrary, she is a living Goddess at that time. So when she enters the temple, the energy of the God or Goddess in the temple’s mūrti will shift over to her, and the idol will become lifeless because a menstruating woman is life. That is why one of the greatest sins against a woman is telling her there is something impure about her menstrual cycle.” – Sri Amritananda Natha Saraswati

We need to educate ourselves and use our conscience to distinguish between what is right and wrong. Every tradition isn’t necessarily good, and every modern idea isn’t necessarily bad. Our generation must learn history and follow the right path instead of blindly accepting discrimination in the name of culture. We cannot force our elders to change their mindset, but we can change ours. We can build a society where women are not excluded for experiencing a natural and healthy bodily cycle.

Happy Dashain and Tihar to everyone!

 

Civic Sense and the Gen Z Protest

 

An estimated Rs. 100 billion worth of public property was damaged during the Gen Z protest, according to the private sector and the Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport, Kulman Ghising. This destruction was caused by none other than our own citizens, Gen Z protestors who were fighting against corruption. Over 300 local unit offices across the country were vandalized or set on fire. Singha Durbar, a historical and administrative hub, was burned; the Parliament building was damaged; hotels were attacked; and several branches of Bhat-Bhateni Supermarket, along with other businesses in multiple cities, suffered heavy losses. While it is very clear that the protest against corruption was needed and deserved. We as a country and common citizens of Nepal have suffered more than enough by corrupt politicians.  But didn’t we hit hammer in our own leg by damaging public property?

This raises two important questions: Was all this destruction necessary? And did we actually gain freedom from corruption, or merely push for direct election of the prime minister? At the heart of these questions lies another: Do Nepali citizens lack civic sense?

The Oxford dictionary does not offer a precise definition, but generally, civic sense refers to the social ethic and collective responsibility of citizens to contribute to the well-being of their community by following rules, cooperating with others, respecting public property, and upholding the rights of fellow citizens. Unfortunately, during this protest, Nepali people demonstrated the opposite. What was intended to be a peaceful and harmless movement caused far more destruction than anyone had anticipated. By damaging Singha Durbar, we not only lost a vital historical monument but also valuable data. The sight of the Supreme Court, district courts, and numerous government offices reduced to rubble is unbearable.

So why did so many people lack civic sense?

Some may argue that the problem lies in the education system. Every student reads about civic responsibility, duty, and ethics in school textbooks. The real problem, however, is not in learning but in applying these lessons. Students are forced to memorize laws, rules, and morals, but rarely do schools engage them in community service activities such as cleaning public spaces or maintaining libraries and parks. Moreover, if we examine Nepal’s history of protests, we find that destruction has always been a recurring feature, yet rarely has it resulted in long-term reform. Over time, people have developed the mindset that their actions should bring them immediate or eventual benefit. This explains why so much looting took place during the protests: once one person started stealing, others followed, reasoning, “If they are doing it, why can’t I?”

Another factor is the lack of role models. Many politicians and businessmen fail to demonstrate responsibility, integrity, or genuine concern for public welfare. When citizens see those in power acting selfishly, they too develop a careless and opportunistic attitude toward the state. Additionally, Kathmandu’s dense population during the protests created an environment where people thought they could act with impunity. Amidst the chaos, individuals assumed their small acts of vandalism or theft would go unnoticed and unpunished compared to the larger destruction unfolding around them.

Now that we have seen what happens when people lack civic sense, how do we solve this problem?

First, schools should introduce regular community engagement activities — ideally weekly, but at least monthly — where students actively contribute to their surroundings by helping with cleaning, maintenance, or assisting community workers. People only begin to value labor when they experience it themselves. Second, society must work to change mindsets. Harm to public property should not be normalized; it should be condemned. Communities should make individuals feel accountable, guilty, or embarrassed for irresponsible behavior. Third, laws must be strict and consistently enforced. Punishments should be certain and visible so that the general public respects the law and fears the consequences of violating it.

Only then can we grow as a society, foster civic sense, and build a stronger, more responsible community.

 

Interim Government and Upcoming Elections

 

Nepal’s new interim government was formed on September 12, 2025, under the leadership of Sushila Karki, our first female Prime Minister. Within just three days of her appointment, her government began showing signs of a promising future. Rameshwor Prasad Khanal was appointed Finance Minister, Kul Man Ghising was given responsibility for Energy, Water Resources, Irrigation, Physical Infrastructure, Transport, and Urban Development, and Om Prakash Aryal was appointed Minister for Home Affairs, Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs on September 15. All three of these figures are widely respected for their honesty and dedication, though they had previously been underestimated by the government led by K. P. Sharma Oli.

Prime Minister Karki honored the youths who sacrificed their lives for the country by providing 10 lakhs to the families of the martyrs. However, as this is an interim government, elections are scheduled to take place in six months. The major debate among today’s youth centers on the upcoming elections. For a functioning democracy, we need a stable government in which parliament carries out its duties for a full five-year term, and the Prime Minister forms a Council of Ministers under his or her leadership. The election process of the Prime Minister in Nepal follows the parliamentary election system or party-based election system, which has been in practice since 1990—except during brief authoritarian or caretaker periods.

After recent protests, however, people have begun demanding a change to this system. They want to replace the parliamentary process with a general public election, in which citizens directly elect the Prime Minister rather than voting through political parties. Many protesters, especially the youth, have called for Balen Shah to become Prime Minister through this system. Unfortunately, under the current Constitution of Nepal, such a direct election process does not exist. To introduce it, the constitution would need to be amended and passed by a two-thirds majority in the Federal Parliament. After parliamentary approval, the amendment would then require the President’s promulgation.

But this amendment is currently impossible because the second Federal Parliament of Nepal was officially dissolved on September 12, 2025. With no members in parliament, no constitutional amendment can be made to allow for a general election. Does this mean Balen Shah cannot become Prime Minister? Were the efforts and sacrifices of the people in vain?

We may be in a difficult situation, but this does not mean the fight against corruption has been lost. In the upcoming six months, the election process will remain party-based. If Balen Shah wishes to become Prime Minister, he must form his own political party so that citizens across the nation can vote for him. Only through proper legal and democratic processes can we achieve the dream of a corruption-free nation.

Another pressing issue is voting eligibility. The demand for Balen Shah’s leadership largely came from Generation Z protestors and youths aged 16 to 27. Statistically, Nepal’s age demographic structure looks like this (World Bank – Nepal Population by Age Group):

- 0–14 years: 28.71%
- 15–64 years: 64.93%
- 65+ years: 6.36%

While the majority of Nepal’s population falls between 15 and 64 years, the legal voting age is 18 and above, and citizens must possess a voter ID card. The issue is that many youths below the age of 20–22 still lack voter ID cards. According to the law, “If the election date is already announced, citizens who have not registered before the cutoff cannot obtain a voter card for that election.” This means that much of the population eager to vote for Balen Shah may be unable to participate. Furthermore, many older citizens are hesitant about his leadership, as their values and experiences with Nepal’s political history differ significantly from the rapid political change that younger generations are demanding.

What we now urgently need is an emergency legal directive or ordinance. The government should reopen voter registration to ensure that all eligible citizens can vote for their preferred candidate. Alongside this, awareness campaigns should be carried out to educate the elderly about the importance of political reform and the potential for a corruption-free future.

As the election approaches, scheduled for March 5, 2026, it is vital for every citizen to vote responsibly. We must choose leaders with the knowledge, courage, and strength to bring positive change. By staying socially and politically aware, we can build a beautiful, corruption-free Nepal together.